Introduction
The great reforming governments of Harold Wilson shredded obsolete laws. Capital punishment ended as did the criminalisation of abortion. They were both hugely contentious actions with moral and religious opposition. Decriminalisation of abortion ended ‘back-street’ abortions and their grim death toll. Legalising abortion saved countless women’s lives. The tragedy of wrong convictions and executions was long overdue but was fiercely resisted by populist politicians and the media.
The principal conceptual challenge to decriminalisation of Class-A drug is being blind to the fact that drug users are consumers who need the protection of the law.
The Infantilisation of British Adults
Alcohol and tobacco are toxic and addictive. If they were new products they’d be category ‘A’ drugs. They are legal because of their legacy. Cocaine, heroin and other hard drugs are illegal. They too should be legal. Claiming users need protecting from themselves is laughable.
The catastrophic death-rate2 associated with tobacco, isn’t used by politicians to justify criminalisation. Politicians know that would be resisted by the electorate. Users suffer interference through draconian taxation and lurid health warnings.3 The Class-A death-rate is minimal4 but is exaggerated to justify criminalisation. The exaggeration creates the idea that hard drugs are a menace to society.
Intentional risky behaviour is multi-varied. Some sports depend on extreme risk-taking. Freebase climbing looks suicidal,5 yet it is a celebrated form of climbing with YouTube videos and a dedicated following. Some participants die. More innocuous is show-jumping, which is much loved.6 This is despite the many life-changing injuries and deaths occurring during this ‘innocuous’ activity. Neither freebase climbing or show jumping are in danger of being criminalised.
Criminalisation can protect people from deadly risks. Covid-19 brought massive intrusive government interference. This was a rational response to a major threat created by a pandemic. Intervention was rational because the population needed robust guidance. Individual freedoms were sacrificed for the greater good. It is a category mistake to think hard drugs come remotely into this arena of risk.
Protecting some people from poor decision-making cannot justify a general curtailment of freedom of choice.
How Powerful are Wider Considerations?
Criminalisation kills Class-A drug consumers. Decriminalisation would introduce regulation in quality control, distribution and sales. Drugs would be safer with known risks where consumers can calibrate their use. Adults would look for an effect and consume accordingly. Consumers as beneficiaries of decriminalisation would have an established price and quality like other retail goods.7
The criminals’ role would disappear as sales migrated to bona fide outlets. Deleting a major criminal activity at the stroke of a pen is serendipity. Two categories of criminals would evaporate. Tens of thousands of people would no longer be imprisoned. Irresponsible drug users like drunk-drivers, would face the consequences. Additional legislation is unnecessary as current laws are capable of dealing with drug users who commit other crimes, whilst under the influence.
Two significant macroeconomic outcomes follow decriminalisation. Prison is very expensive costing £40,000 per prisoner,8 or, about £4.2bn annually in total.9 Removing an entire category of criminal activity would impact on over-crowded prisons immediately. On a human level families wouldn’t be destroyed and the net-negative that prisons represent in terms of lost production would be mitigated.
The second benefit is significant. Addictive drugs are perfect for taxation. Tobacco raises £8.1bn10 and alcohol about £13bn.11 These Class-A drugs are profitable for the Treasury. £21bn is an excellent reason for not criminalising alcohol and tobacco. As there are about two million users of illegal drugs in the UK there is an opportunity to ‘cash in’ as it were.
Presumably those who have an addictive personality12 could transfer their allegiance from alcohol to Class-A drugs. But the addictive population would probably remain the same.
Conclusion
Criminalisation of hard drugs is absurd and is a major contributor to the death of consumers.
Notes
1 The greatest post-war British prime minister: Harold Wilson | Odeboyz’s Blog The Suicide Act preceded the Wilson governments
2 80,000 deaths annually Smoking in the United Kingdom (UK) – statistics & facts | Statista
4 For a comprehensive over-view of drug use and availability see Drug misuse in England and Wales – Office for National Statistics There are under 6,000 deaths related to drug use Drug-related deaths in the United Kingdom – Wikipedia
5 Dean Potter: Behind The Extreme Life, Death & Ascents
6 The Shadow of Death in the Show Jumping Arena – Manchesterjournal
7 Drinkers calibrate their intake by volume and strength of product through the standardised toxicity system.
8 Annual Cost of Keeping a Prisoner in the UK – Prison Info 5310 are in prison on remand Offender management statistics quarterly: January to March 2025 – GOV.UK
9 Prisons cost £4.2 billion in 2022/23 – Russell Webster
10 Tobacco duties – Office for Budget Responsibility
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